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Defence Viewpoints from UK Defence Forum

Resource Rich, Policy Poor

Reviewed by Lauren Williamson, UK Defence Forum Research Associate

Written by Dr. Boyko Nitzov, the Atlantic Council's issue brief on Eurasian energy illustrates well the nuanced complexities in the international trading of crude oil and natural gas. If the West hopes to achieve energy security, leaders must cultivate free, fair and competitive resource markets and transport routes in some of the most politically difficult regions of the world. And many obstacles – from protectionist policies to conflict zones in the Middle East – lie in the way.

Eurasian Energy: Hot and Cold Atlantic Council January 2011

The issue brief "Eurasian Energy: Hot and Cold," caters specifically to the US's interest in achieving energy security, outlining the geopolitical dynamics of the current oil and gas trading and transport environment while noting the regions, particularly Central Eurasia, that would be key in obtaining this goal. The strategies provided rely heavily on collaboration with Western allies in Europe and throughout the Middle East, who have a similar geopolitical agenda and a vested interest in achieving stability in the energy markets. These markets have seen an increase in volatility in recent years as prices skyrocketed before the global recession, plummeted, then quickly bounced back and are approaching the same high level once more.

High prices are good for the producer and supplier, but politically challenging for governments whose manufacturing sector and citizens are often harmed by the price swings. Dr. Boyko Nitzov, an international energy expert and author of the brief, argues for simple solutions: bring more transport routes and distribution pipes on line, increase the number of independent oil and gas market players and make them commit to a homogenous set of rules that govern market ethics and behaviour. This would inject some much needed transparency, predictability and rationality into market transactions.

But when one considers the Eurasian region, and all the varied and diverse countries and cultures it includes, Nitzov's solutions seem more difficult to achieve. In fact, the international cooperation required for Nitzov's solutions to succeed is unprecedented. And, if the strategies are to be led by the US, it is also unlikely such success will be realized until the US is able to regain its international hegemonic position by proving itself in the Afghanistan and Iraq interventions, a prospect that could take years more – if it happens at all.

Nitzov rightly explains that "the most pressing risks are above the ground, not below it." To that end, however, the brief pays little attention to the countries without significant energy deposits, even though part of their economic development and future needs will necessarily rely on increased energy consumption. Additionally these countries stand to profit by the creation of new pipelines that might run through their lands and could help pressure neighboring states to adopt market friendly policies.

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By Reva Bhalla

Syria is clearly in a state of internal crisis. Protests organized on Facebook were quickly stamped out in early February, but by mid-March, a faceless opposition had emerged from the flashpoint city of Daraa in Syria's largely conservative Sunni southwest. From Daraa, demonstrations spread to the Kurdish northeast, the coastal Latakia area, urban Sunni strongholds in Hama and Homs, and to Aleppo and the suburbs of Damascus. Feeling overwhelmed, the regime experimented with rhetoric on reforms while relying on much more familiar iron-fist methods in cracking down, arresting hundreds of men, cutting off water and electricity to the most rebellious areas, and making clear to the population that, with or without emergency rule in place, the price for dissent does not exclude death. (Activists claim more than 500 civilians have been killed in Syria since the demonstrations began, but that figure has not been independently verified.)

A survey of the headlines would lead many to believe that Syrian President Bashar al Assad will soon be joining Tunisia's Zine El Abidine Ben Ali and Egypt's Hosni Mubarak in a line of deposed Arab despots. The situation in Syria is serious, but in our view, the crisis has not yet risen to a level that would warrant a forecast that the al Assad regime will fall.

Four key pillars sustain Syria's minority Alawite-Baathist regime:

* Power in the hands of the al Assad clan
* Alawite unity
* Alawite control over the military-intelligence apparatus
* The Baath party's monopoly on the political system

Though the regime is coming under significant stress, all four of these pillars are still standing. If any one falls, the al Assad regime will have a real existential crisis on its hands. To understand why this is the case, we need to begin with the story of how the Alawites came to dominate modern Syria.

The Rise of the Alawites

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Assessing the evolving role of maritime power: How does the Royal Navy fit into the overall Defence Strategy?

By Admiral Sir Mark Stanhope, First Sea Lord

 
"Futurology" is big business nowadays; you can hardly read a newspaper or watch a news programme at the moment without being given the benefit of somebody's assessment of the next 12 months. Everything from house prices to the stock market, from the outcome of the Champions League to the likely design of Kate Middleton's wedding dress.

But have you noticed how relatively few people are prepared to step up to the mark and make predictions on the bigger and more long term issues? Such as the potential strategic and geopolitical landscape in the coming years, or the UK's defence and security needs for the future.
 
This is hardly surprising when you consider how rare it is for analysts and commentators to predict correctly the strategic shocks that end up dictating our security responses; the collapse of communism, 9/11, and the current situation across the Maghreb to name but a few. As Harold MacMillan once said, "Events, dear boy, events."

So, you might be left wondering how I can possibly make assessments on the evolving role of maritime power and the Royal Navy of the future.

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